Robinson in Ruins, a film by Patrick Keiller

Robinson-in-ruins

Still from Robinson In Ruins, Patrick Keiller, The Royal College of Art/BFI

Filmmaker Patrick Keiller studied architecture at the Bartlett, and his latest offering Robinson in Ruins is part of a larger AHRC-funded project,The Future of Landscape and the Moving Image, which explores narratives of mobility and the political in landscape and place. The film acts as a filter for some of these narratives, combining near-static images with a fast-moving script which jumps from Lidl to Heidegger in one sentence. Keiller sees the film in the terms of a ‘political intervention’, challenging notions of ownership over the landscape, of a perceived ’settledness’ in English agriculture and instead of the constant forces of mobility and displacement at work in forming the landscape we experience.

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Still from Robinson In Ruins, Patrick Keiller, The Royal College of Art/BFI

The images jump between distance and detail, from a derelict cement factory punctuating the Cotswold hills, to lichen colonising road signs, and this jarring only reinforces the narratives of battles fought over territory. It also reminds us of the need to view space through a different lens, to understand the constructed nature of our seemingly natural landscape, or what anthropologist Tim Ingold refers to as Taskscapes, the socially constructed space of human activity.

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Still from Robinson In Ruins, Patrick Keiller, The Royal College of Art/BFI

Whilst viewing bucolic pastoral visions of the ruins at Hampton Gay, we are told that this was the site of anti-enclosure protests which eventually lead to the instigators being hung, drawn and quartered. In this sense, Keiller is rebelling against the English fascination with the picturesque, and as an anti-scenic gesture, unveiling the policy forces that lead to the creation of ruins. Landscape is in a constant state of change, and through the medium of film it is possible to discern this, and dispel notions of ’smoothness’ or ‘finishedness’ that can stick to perceptions of rural environments. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the images of former military sites, many of them literally enclosed from common land, and taken possession of by another nation state (the US) for purposes of their own defence. Understanding the intention behind this network of bases and their connectedness through a network of gas pipes which criss-cross the country further unravels the ‘Englishness’ with which these rural sites are tagged.

Robinson in Ruins is currently showing at cinemas around the UK.

The Future of Landscape and the Moving Image blog: http://thefutureoflandscape.wordpress.com/

Tim Ingold (1993) “The Temporality of the Landscape”, World Archaeology, 25(2): pp. 24-174

Reflections at the Close of Shanghai World Expo 2010 – part 2

This is the second of a two-part post on the 2010 Shanghai World Expo. The first can be read here.

The "Seed Cathedral", UK pavilion by Thomas Heatherwick

The "Seed Cathedral", UK pavilion by Thomas Heatherwick

…In Expo’s final week, people seemed determined to ward off the meta-question of “what’s it all for?” by concentrating on the mechanics of the Expo breakdown. The newspapers were full of speculations about the fate of various national pavilions, which, with a few exceptions (such as China’s), must be taken down according to the rules set by the Bureau International des Expositions. Amidst talk that Italy’s pavilion would likely be resurrected as a shopping mall, editorials complained that few countries appeared to have planned eco-friendly afterlives for their buildings, though Heatherwick’s Seed Cathedral again was the exception: the first charity auction of 7000 of the Pavilion’s seed rods caused an e-frenzy. Tellingly, there was little reflection about the purpose of the whole.

Perhaps this lack of reflection can be attributed to the fact that the point seems so obvious on one level. As with the Beijing Olympics, Shanghai Expo is intended to announce China’s ascendance to superpower status – probably the only message that every single visitor will take away from Expo. (Although such triumphal muscle-flexing was once an American specialty, ever since Congress decreed that public money can no longer be put towards Expos, U.S. pavilions have been in decline; 2010’s lacklustre effort, which came seriously close to not coming off at all, was sponsored by corporations from Citigroup to PepsiCo and derisively dubbed “Best Buy”.) There was little pretence that Expo might contribute to meaningful technological innovations or to global discussions about climate change, though the displays and case studies in the Urban Best Practice Area (Zone E) were apparently more high-minded. Few national pavilions made more than a nod to the green theme in their displays. One corporate pavilion was even dedicated to Oil: its theme “Petroleum Stretches Urban Dreams” was only marginally less credible than the Coca-Cola Pavilion’s theme of “Happy Plants”.

Happy Plants

Coca-Cola signage on the main Expo axis

Instead, individual pavilion displays tend to resemble nothing so much as travel brochures, with a strong emphasis on cultural attractions, national values, and local products. The Canadian pavilion, for instance, showcased the National Film Board and Cirque du Soleil (not Celine Dion, thank heavens), the shop sold t-shirts and maple syrup, and the cafeteria featured poutine, a gravy-and-cheese-curd french fry concoction that seems designed to baffle any non-Canadian. The Pavilion was an unapologetic exercise in national branding: everyone left waving a free flag. Though the stereotypes can get tired, the sense that visitors ‘travel’ to different countries through their pavilion visits, experiencing the best of foreign lifestyles and consumer goods, has historically been one of Expo’s greatest attractions. Since Expo 67 in Montreal visitors have even been issued with passports which get stamped at each pavilion.

Canadian pavilion by Saia Barbarese Topouzanov

Canadian pavilion by Saia Barbarese Topouzanov

Prior to going to China, I’d assumed that the chance to ‘travel’ to other places and to glimpse other lifestyles must be the primary draw for Chinese visitors – and this did appear to be true for many, particularly those from rural areas, who’d been given free tickets (normally about £20 each).  But was this the whole story? The last night before I left, I had the opportunity to speak to one middle-class 24-year old Shanghainese woman who had specialized in Exhibitions and Conferences at university (complete with German teachers and English instruction). Stylish and confident, she had just come back from a beach holiday in Thailand. When I asked her what she thought Expo was all about, she replied without hesitation: “Cultural communication, not concepts.” While I am certain she is right, the communication ended up seeming surprisingly one way. Instead of feeling as if China is out to impress the world, I was ultimately more struck by how hard many countries were working to impress China. And as the record-breaking crowds confirm, the Chinese are enjoying the spectacle.

Reflections at the Close of Shanghai World Expo 2010 – part 1

This is the first of a two-part post on the 2010 Shanghai World Expo.

Shanghai World Expo 2010 will probably to go down in the history books as one of the most successful world’s fairs ever. The Chinese government was aiming for 70 million visitors; by the time Expo closed on 31st October, they’d reportedly had 73 million. (To compare: Expo 67 in Montreal, one of the most successful world’s fairs of the twentieth century, had 50 million). As well as record-breaking attendance, Shanghai World Expo could justifiably claim success in other ways: the event was efficiently run, amazingly clean, with lots of user-friendly amenities in a vast underground city built to protect visitors from summer heat – restaurants, shops, and, yes, toilets, both Asian squat or throne-style. Take your pick.

Better City, Better Life

Better City, Better Life

Expo also benefited from larger developments that took place at a scale and a cost that today seems only conceivable in China. The notoriously haze of pollution that normally engulfs Shanghai was gone, thanks to manufacturing restrictions in place for the duration of Expo, and the site was accessible thanks to a massive expansion of the subway infrastructure, now one of the world’s largest. And let’s not forget that the site itself – 5.3 square kilometres in the centre of one of the world’s most populous cities – was freed up by the displacement of 55,000 locals, giving an undeniably ironic twist to Expo’s “Better City, Better Life” theme. These developments added tens of billions onto the already staggering $4.2 billion spent on Expo itself, over twice what Beijing spent on the 2008 Olympics. Many say that Shanghai Expo is the world’s most expensive event ever.

Architecturally, the 190 pavilions on site ranged dramatically in quality. Some were spectacular, some were little more than painted big boxes, and some were derivative: Japan’s pink eco-blob was distinctly Graz-like. There were a few obviously eco-friendly green structures like New Zealand’s and Switzerland’s and even a few brown ones like Spain’s and Portugal’s (made of wicker and cork respectively).

Swiss pavillion

Swiss pavilion

Spanish pavillion

Spanish pavilion

UK pavilion by Thomas Heatherwick

UK pavilion by Thomas Heatherwick

Thomas Heatherwick’s UK “Seed Cathedral” deservedly stole the show: bristling with 60,000 acrylic rods, each containing a seed from Kew’s Millennium Seed Bank, it was genuinely on-message and genuinely beautiful. Many national pavilions, however, made no effort to interpret the “Better City” theme environmentally. Certainly China, with its oxblood-red crown like colossus, did not. Nor did Saudi Arabia, whose pavilion – a gigantic ovoid “moon boat” topped by an electronic sign projecting celebratory messages about Chinese-Saudi Arabian friendship – turned out to be the fair’s most popular venue with nine hour waits.

Chinese pavilion

Chinese pavilion

Saudi pavilion

Saudi Arabian pavilion

Indeed, in the face of queues averaging 2 to 3 hours, I gave up after visiting the Canadian and African pavilions and simply wandered around Expo dreamland for the day. There was much to marvel at and enjoy. The visitors – even those in nine-hour queues – seemed curious, patient, and good-humoured. For all the slickness of the operation, there were frequent reminders that we were in China, from passing military parades to announcements exhorting us not to eat too much.  The signage was wonderfully bossy, as if written by someone’s mother. “Polite Language and No Noising,” instructed one. “Be patient and No Jumping the Queue,” said another. The sheer scale of the spectacle was hugely impressive. Yet walking around, I couldn’t help wonder, “yes, it’s fun, but what is it all for?”

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Read the second part here.

Assemblage theory and the public realm

A loose reaction to this post by Patricia Simoes-Aelbrecht and thoughts on assemblage theory.

GLA City Hall and The Scoop

The Scoop at the foot of the GLA City Hall: a 'public space' that is privately owned and managed.

The dichotomy of public and private is something that has long been criticised in social theory. A common strand through Arendt (1956), Habermas (1962, 1992) and Sennett (1974) is that it is impossible, in Modern society, to speak of a clear boundary between the two. This touches on an issue common to all discussions on ‘public space’ in that there is a huge discrepancy between what the term implies and what it is used to describe. The requirements for a space to be public are as numerous as contradictory, and always contingent on a particular point of view.

DeLanda’s theory of assemblage (2006) might be of interest in this discussion because it offers a framework for describing complex and unfixed wholes at various scales. The theoretical premise is to conceive of ‘wholes whose properties emerge from the interaction between parts. (p.5)’ One example is that a particular group of individuals can simultaneously experience ‘territorialising’ and ‘de-territorialising’ forces (DeLanda’s theoretical starting point is the philosophy of Deleuze) that tend to respectively homogenise some of its identity and make some of it more heterogeneous. These forces, as opposed to being fixed aspects or categories, are variables of the group. What I suggest here is to apply similar thoughts to public space and to speak instead of social space with varying degrees of public and private.

My second thought has to do with the fact that assemblage theory, as elaborated by DeLanda, describes both human and material variables of social situations. These situations, whether an inter-personal conversation, a group of residents, a municipal government or even an urban agglomeration, are conceptualised as assemblages of persons and objects (agencements in Deleuze). The important distinction, as quoted above, is that the emphasis of study is on the relations between entities or ‘relations of exteriority’ rather than on the entities themselves. In this case it would seem assemblage theory has something valuable to offer in breaching the social/physical divide in theories of the public realm and public space.

References:
Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition, University of Chicago Press: 1958.
Manuel DeLanda, A New Philosophy of Society, Continuum: 2006.
Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, MIT Press: 1962.
—, ‘Further Reflections on the Public Sphere’, in Craig Calhoun ed., Habermas and the Public Sphere, MIT Press: 1992.
Richard Sennett, The Fall of Public Man, Faber: 1974.

Revisiting Marxian land rent theory for an urban context

This is an introduction to a paper presented at the 1st international conference in political economy. The full paper can be read here. With the topic of ‘crisis in capitalism’, I tried to seek a mechanism of land rent which is a fundamental source of capital investment in the built environment. This is also a theoretical part of my PhD thesis.

House prices in Los Angeles

House prices in Los Angeles

It is widely accepted that inflow of capital into financial sector and built-environment sector has contributed to alleviate the problem of accumulation of capital from the tendency of falling rate of profit. It is also pointed out that this adaptation of capitalism does not resolve the problem but delays and even aggravates it.(Harvey, 1984) It is undeniable that current global crisis of capitalism is to do with overflow of capital into these sectors. Compared with various researches on the adaptation of capital in financial sector, there are few in built-environment sector. The reason is partly due to a lack of arenas for debates based on commonly agreed theories on land rent. Although Marxian land rent theory provides a decent place for debates, it has constraints to be developed further as the theory is mainly based on the agricultural context. Although some researchers have contributed to develop the theory for urban context (Walker, 1974; Ball, 1977; Evans, 1999), it still needs to be synthetically reviewed.

The purpose of this paper is to review Marxian land rent theory for an urban context, especially for the urban residential sector, and to make a basis for following research on how capital resolves its crisis of accumulation in the built-environment sector and how the crisis becomes aggravated. Firstly, it reviews four categories of Marxian rent and examines whether they are relevant in the urban context, especially in the residential sector. Secondly, it investigates interrelationships between categories of rent in the residential housing market.

You can see my full paper by following this link:

http://www.iippe.org/wiki/images/d/d4/CONF_VALUE_PARK.pdf

The myth of the architect

For a long time architects have been complaining how their profession lacks consideration: it’s badly paid, it’s hard labour, and has no perspective for the future. This crisis of the architect got worse in times of recession, as most of them got unemployed.

However representations of the architect in the media, such as in newspapers, television and films, mediate an idea of the architect which is quiet the opposite of the one I sketched out above. In the media, the architect is not only always masculine, in one-way or another attractive, but he is also the figure capable of interpreting the world we live in. To give an example, think about George Constanza in the series Seinfeld. On several occasions when George met a woman, he always said he was an architect. In one episode, ‘The Race’, he even claimed that he had designed ‘the new addition to the Guggenheim’! There are also other examples in which the architect’s profession is advertised by a popular figure, such as Brad Pitt. Hollywood’s star actor Pitt shared a few years ago the following: ‘whilst acting is my career, architecture is my passion’. Pitt’s most desired dream is to be an architect! If we have to believe the images we see, Pitt worked already on various occasions in Frank Gehry’s office.

All these socially constructed images of the architect produce in many ways a myth around the figure of the architect that seems to be reality itself. Interestingly, in his book Mythologies the French structuralist critic Roland Barthes explains through the summation of familiar things how a myth functions and the power it embodies to control our thoughts. He shows how all these myths actually signify different things of the world itself. The myth of the architect seems thus to say much more things about the world than we initially assumed.

To shake this mythical discourse I propose we all share our image of the architect in the comment zone below.

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Brad Pitt in the model room in Gehry’s office.

How democratic are ‘our’ discussions of the city?

When looking into the ‘This is not a Gateway Festival’ (TINAG) home page, in a somewhat confuse profusion of points, I found ‘hidden’ in the 10th line of topics an interesting analysis of some ‘keys to the city’… such important ‘keys’ shouldn’t be so secret.

Tinag3One of the things that they illustrate (as shown above) is the percentage of ethnic minority and women speaking in a selected sample of ‘recent’ (2008) conferences and festivals on the topic of cities.
In their short and graphical analysis they highlight that ‘theories and policies that shape our cities are created, delivered and measured by a limited and self referential group of people’ (1).
It is interesting to notice that in all the selected events (with the exception of the ‘TINAG festival’) the participation of women or minorities group speakers is not more than a quarter of the whole of the speakers (and more than once stays below 5%), particularly if we realize that 51% of London’s population are women (2005 data) and almost 30% are from non-white ethnic groups (2004 data) (2).
Together with what has been happening in the physical planning of cities, it seems that also when discussing cities problems ‘public participation’ has become a common term. A term that in the majority of cases is no more than a vague figure of speech…
Although some graphics and captions are more into aesthetics than into real quantitative understanding, I found this an interesting way of illustrating the degree of democracy existing in current discussions of our cities (and particularly in such a diverse place as London). Maybe it is possible to make a direct comparison with the degree of democracy in physical urban planning…that I find mostly ‘insufficient’ and ‘dominated’ by a few.
Consequently, not only events ‘like these’ are needed (1), and ‘there is no doubt the “urban conference circuit” needs to be turned upside down’ (1), but more importantly (in my opinion) ‘statistical’ representations like these should be promoted, so that we know from where we are speaking when looking for more democratic and diverse alternatives for the whole planning system.

References:
(1) http://thisisnotagateway.squarespace.com/storage/2008%20Statistics%20TINAG.pdf
(2) http://www.statistics.gov.uk/downloads/theme_compendia/fol2007/Focus_on_London_2007.pdf

Through the minds of teenagers

Spiralling into Modernism

Spiralling into Modernism

In the book Participation, Claire Bishop underlines three common aspects of participatory art: the desire to create an active/thinking subject who will be able to formulate their own social/political position from the experience of the work; asserting a socially oriented and egalitarian position for themselves by ceding part of their authorship to participants; and the restoration of a social bond in a community through the collaborative elaboration of meaning.

On a recent visit to Barking I saw “Through the planned cities fire will rage“, an exhibition of participatory art between Laura Oldfield Ford and a group of years 10 and 11 students from local schools. Given that my own research touches on the social interactions that constitute the regeneration project in the particular context of the Barking Town Centre I was interested to see how the principles outlined above applied in this specific case. Here the collaboration happens during the development process, with some of the projects (like Barking Town Square) already completed and others (like most of Barking Riverside) still under development, which gives this type of event a vital importance.

The imagination of the students is fantastic and some of the pieces offer genuine moments of reflection. For example a map of the borough with clearly marked unhappiness right of the centre and the great unknown of Dagenham further east: the recognized political divide of the London Borough of Barking and Dagenham. Another group of drawings questioning the value of change and its ‘façades’ in the town centre. There are also moments of levity: is Barking spiralling into Modernism or is it not? The darkly metaphorical Happy Birthday! comic strip. And moments of downright, well… see drawing of plane flying into One Canada Square below. Certainly, the collaboration has succeeded in engaging students with urban issues by which they are directly affected and that must be commended. The participants are indeed given a better position to formulate their own critique of their local socio-economic and political situation. The whole of the work is clearly and thankfully representative of the ‘fire’ of adolescence. (On a marginally and I’ve-listened-to-it-recently related note, let me plug Robert Harrison’s podcast on Pink Floyd.)

The following quotation is taken from the Council’s website:

Ford’s own work uses the strategy of psychogeography to coax out the hidden narratives in the city and formulate a critique of urbanism. In the case of Barking and Dagenham it is the issue of housing that forms the crux of contention. For this new work she imagines militant groups emerging and the planned uses of the new regeneration schemes radically subverted. Her work references the Blitz, 1973, 1981 and points in the future to set out alternative possibilities.

I want to pick up four elements from this description, because although the work of the students is in many ways engaging, I think the handling of the issues at hand and principles of participation need some criticism. What first struck me is how much of the artist’s own aesthetics seem to come through the students’ work. It appears evident from the artist’s own work that there is a tendency to draw on dichotomies, be it planned/unplanned or construction/destruction. This strong dialectic aspect appears to come through quite clearly in the students’ work. The arrangement is fragmented, relies heavily on contrasts (in both form and content) and is primarily oppositional. This leads to a second point: I question whether the students are exploring their own experiential perception of their city through the loose (and highly subjective) framework of psychogeography or rather through the lens of the organiser’s oppositional stance on planning and private development. This again is not to say that the work itself is without merit, but that the premises posited by the artist are not entirely congruent with the result. And certainly not all the pieces are representative of this point. But these first two points should be weighed against the ‘desire to create a thinking/acting subject’.  ‘Through the planned cities fire will rage’ recalls a critique of Modernist town planning from the mid-twentieth century rather than an accurate critique of contemporary practices. Some images featuring One Canada Square, for example, raise the question of whether the intention is not off the mark. Being explicitly critical of private development and branded commercial hegemonies is excellent, but it becomes a tricky line to follow when urban planning is brought in under the same critique. The absence of government planning often goes, as was evidenced in the late 1980s at Canary Wharf, hand in hand with the market’s desire for deregulation. The last point touches on the ‘alternative possibilities’ that are explored in the work. Because the premises of the critique draw on moments of tension and crisis the ‘collaborative elaboration of meaning’ has a hard time escaping wholesale rejection to look more at positive transformation. Could the ‘radical subversion’ of the built environment be gentle?

Home

Home?

No spirit

No spirit

Change is overrated

Change is overrated

Happy birthday!

Happy birthday!

Future

Future!!

DSC_0308S

I love this city

The Urban Islands Project

Sent by Stephanie Brandt:

The Urban Islands Project – reviving places:
www.urbanislandsproject.net

The Urban Islands Project is part of an ongoing project SPACEPILOTS introduced in 2009 under the title of Unlocking the City, aiming to excite young people about their city, engage them with their environment, and to empower them to get involved in the actual shaping of places.

We are inviting young people aged 16-25 from all over London to participate in the research and development of design ideas for Urban Islands.

- Join us on www.urbanislandsproject.net to receive the latest news and to help us detect existing or potential urban spots, overlooked and/or ignored, and revive them into Urban Islands!

We will launch the project in form of a small pilot at this year’s London Festival of Architecture [LFA'10], 19th June – 4th July 2010, in the Borough of Southwark, South London.

dates: 19th June 2010, project start;
4th July 2010 @ The LFA 2010, finale

place: Southwark, Southbank

theme: ‘reviving places through urban interventions and architectural
actions’

method: creative, collaborative exploring, mapping, filming, making,…

Barking from Without

cross-posted from barking-assemblage.org

Barking from Without was part of the 2010 Cities Methodologies exhibition and conference organised by the UCL Urban Lab. The exhibition took place at the Slade Research Centre on Woburn Square from 5 to 7 May 2010.

Barking from Without is an interactive installation presenting material from an ongoing case study of the new Barking Town Square in the London Borough of Barking and Dagenham. Part of a broader research project on design in the contemporary public realm, the case study is supported primarily by participant-observer methods that draw as much on ethnographic fieldwork as on Bakhtin’s theory of dialogism. The research is presented in the form of an open dialogue which visitors are encouraged to join by leaving written comments.

All material from the installation is posted on barking-assemblage.org under the category Barking from Without. Comments are still very much welcome! Please participate by sending your comments to comment@barking-assemblage.org